Showing posts with label books. Show all posts
Showing posts with label books. Show all posts

Friday, 9 September 2011

O ladrao foi liberado


Finalmente em portuga O Ladrao no Fim do Mundo de Joe Jackson.  O livro trata da historia da borracha relacionando os confederados ao naturalistas ingleses, alem de judeus e os Henry Fords da vida. Nunca me senti tao tranquilo e feliz em recomendar uma leitura. 

Wednesday, 25 May 2011

I love this. Thanks Alan!!

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www.gilserique.com

"Master guide and naturalist Gil Serique doesn't just live in the Amazon...he lives the Amazon everyday of his life. From its teeming, vibrant cities to the tiny villages that hug its tree-shrouded tributaries, from the line of hyperactive ants hunting for food to the jaguar silently prowling the moon-kissed shadows while raucous macaws chorus overhead, no one knows the secrets of the great river and its surrounding countryside better than Gil Serique."
Alan Dean Foster
Author of Star Trek, Star Wars, Alien, The Drowning World

Sunday, 8 May 2011

Segeln im Reich der Stürme by Bobby Schenk

I met Bobby Schenk and his wife some 18 years ago. His book is a result of a quite adventurous journey on a private plane and sailing boat in many places in the world. We spent only a few hours together but it was enough to keep an memorable time.


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Monday, 6 December 2010

I am ready 4 2morrows!!!!!!!!!!!!

Gil Serique recommends eating animals,  the book
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Tuesday, 26 January 2010

The Numberland



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I am eager to get my second Alex Bellos' book copy. I had the privilege to read his first one(Futebol: The brazilian way of life) when travelling with him up the Rio Negro. Beto Villares was also in the 10 day-trip and he was about to realease his debut album solo. Add to that his five amazing mates and a wondeful crew. The atmosphere was just terrific!

This how Alex let us know about The Numberland:

I have a degree in Mathematics and Philosophy from Oxford.

After a decade and a half in journalism I decided to return to maths - and the result is Alex’s Adventures in Numberland.


It’s an attempt to use reportage and history to bring maths alive for the general reader.


I flew around the world - to India, Japan, the US and Europe - in order to see maths in action. It was a lot of fun, and I met lots of amazing people.


The book is being published by Bloomsbury in the UK in April, by The Free Press in the US in June and translation rights have already been bought by five other countries.

Sunday, 7 June 2009

From the Book “FORDLANDIA: The Rise and Fall of Henry Ford’s Forgotten Jungle City” by Greg Grandin.


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Introduction
Nothing is Wrong with Anything

January 9, 1928: Henry Ford was in a spirited mood as he toured the Ford Industrial Exhibit with his son, Edsel, and his aging friend Thomas Edison, feigning fright at the flash of news cameras as a circle of police officers held back admirers and reporters. The event was held in New York, to showcase the new Model A. Until recently, nearly half of all the cars produced in the world were Model Ts, which Ford had been building since 1908. But by 1927 the T’s market share had dropped considerably. A half de cade of prosperity and cheap credit had increased demand for stylized, more luxurious cars. General Motors gave customers dozens of lacquer colors and a range of upholstery options to choose from while the Ford car came in green, red, blue, and black— which at least was more variety than a few years earlier when Ford reportedly told his customers they could have their car in any color they wanted, “so long as it’s black.”

From May 1927, when the Ford Motor Company stopped production on the T, to October, when the first Model A was assembled, many doubted that Ford could pull off the changeover. It was costing a fortune, estimated by one historian at $250 million, because the internal workings of the just- opened River Rouge factory, which had been designed to roll out Ts into the indefinite future, had to be refitted to make the A. Yet on the first two days of its debut, over ten million Americans visited their local Ford dealers to inspect the new car, available in a range of body types and colors including Arabian Sand, Rose Beige, and Andalusite Blue. Within a few months, the company had received over 700,000 orders for the A, and even Ford’s detractors had to admit that he had staged a remarkable comeback.

The New York exhibit was held in the old Fiftieth Street Madison Square Garden, drawing over a million people and eclipsing the nearby National Car Show. All the many styles of the new model were on display at the Garden, as was the Lincoln Touring Car, since Ford had bought Lincoln Motors six years earlier, giving him a foot in the luxury car market without having to reconfigure his own factories. But the Ford exhibit wasn’t really an automobile show. It was rather “built around this one idea,” said Edsel: “a visual demonstration of the operation of the Ford industries, from the raw materials to the finished product.” Visitors passed by displays of the manically synchronized work stations that Ford was famous for, demonstrations of how glass, upholstery, and leather trimmings were made, and dioramas of Ford’s iron and coal mines, his blast furnaces, gas plants, northern Michigan timberlands, and fleets of planes and ships. A few even got to see Henry himself direct operations. “Speed that machine up a bit,” he said as he passed a “mobile model of two men leisurely sawing a tree, against a background of dense forest growth.


PHOTO: Celivaldo Carneiro

Though he was known to have opinions on many matters, as Henry Ford made his way through the convention hall reporters asked him mostly about his cars and his money. “How much are you worth?” one shouted out. “I don’t know and I don’t give a damn,” Ford answered. Stopping to give an impromptu press conference in front of an old lathe he had used to make his first car, Ford said he was optimistic about the coming year, sure that his new River Rouge plant— located in Ford’s hometown of Dearborn, just outside of Detroit— would be able to meet demand. No one raised his recent humiliating repudiation of anti- Semitism, though while in New York Ford met with members of the American Jewish Committee to stage the “final scene in the reconciliation between Henry Ford and American Jewry,” as the Jewish Telegraphic Agency described the conference. Most reporters tossed feel- good questions. One wanted to know about his key to success. “Concentration on details,” Ford said. “When I worked at that lathe in 1894”— the carmaker nodded to the machine behind him—“I never thought about anything else.” A journalist did ask him about reports of a price war and whether it would force him to lower his asking price for the A.

“I know nothing about it,” replied Ford, who for de cades had set his own prices and wages free of serious competition. “Nothing is wrong with anything,” he said, “and I don’t see any reason to believe that the present prosperity will not continue.”

Ford wanted to talk about something other than automobiles. The previous August he had taken his first airplane ride, a ten- minute circle over Detroit in his friend Charles Lindbergh’s Spirit of St. Louis, just a few months after Lindbergh had made his historic nonstop transatlantic trip. Ford bragged that he “handled the stick” for a little while. He was “strong for air travel,” he said, and was working on a lightweight diesel airplane engine. Ford then announced that he would soon fly to the Amazon to inspect his new rubber plantation. “If I go to Brazil,” he said, “it will be by airplane. I would never spend 20 days making the trip by boat.”

Ford didn’t elaborate, and reporters seemed a bit puzzled. So Edsel stepped forward to explain. The plantation was on the Tapajós River, a branch of the Amazon, he said. Amid all the excitement over the Model A, most barely noted that the Ford Motor Company had recently acquired an enormous land concession in the Amazon. Inevitably compared in size to a midranged US state, usually Connecticut but sometimes Tennessee, the property was to be used to grow rubber. Despite Thomas Edison’s best efforts to produce domestic or synthetic rubber, latex was the one important natural resource that Ford didn’t control, even though his New York exhibit included a model of a rubber plantation. “The details have been closed,” Edsel had announced in the official press release about the acquisition, “and the work will begin at once.” It would include building a town and launching a “widespread sanitary campaign against the dangers of the jungle,” he said. “Boats of the Ford fleet will be in communication with the property and it is possible that airplane communication may also be attempted.”

Photo: Celivaldo Carneiro

In the months that followed, as the excitement of the Model A died down, journalists and opinion makers began to pay attention to Fordlandia, as Ford’s Brazilian project soon came to be called. And they reported the enterprise as a contest between two irrepressible forces. On one side stood the industrialist who had perfected the assembly line and broken down the manufacturing pro cess into ever simpler components geared toward making one single infinitely reproducible product, the first indistinguishable from the millionth. “My effort is in the direction of simplicity,” Ford once said. On the other was the storied Amazon basin, spilling over into nine countries and comprising a full third of South America, a place so wild and diverse that the waters just around where Ford planned to establish his plantation contained more species of fish than all the rivers of Europe combined.



It was billed as a proxy fight: Ford represented vigor, dynamism, and the rushing energy that defined American capitalism in the early twentieth century; the Amazon embodied primal stillness, an ancient world that had so far proved unconquerable. “If the machine, the tractor, can open a breach in the great green wall of the Amazon jungle, if Ford plants millions of rubber trees where there used to be nothing but jungle solitude,” wrote a German daily, “then the romantic history of rubber will have a new chapter. A new and titanic fight between nature and modern man is beginning.” One Brazilian writer predicted that Ford would finally fulfill the prophecy of Alexander von Humboldt, the Prussian naturalist who over a century earlier said that the Amazon was destined to become the “world’s granary.” And as if to underscore the danger of the challenge, just at the moment Ford was deciding to get into the rubber business, the public’s attention was captivated by reports of the disappearance of the British explorer Colonel Percy Fawcett. Having convinced himself, based on a combination of archival research, deduction, and clairvoyance, of the existence of a lost city (which he decided to name “Z”) just south of where Ford would establish his plantation, Fawcett entered the jungle to find it. He was never heard from again.

From the Book “FORDLANDIA: The Rise and Fall of Henry Ford’s Forgotten Jungle City” by Greg Grandin. Copyright © 2009 by Greg Grandin. Reprinted by arrangement with Metropolitan Books, an imprint of Henry Holt and Company. All rights reserved.

New book about Fordland


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*


* JUNE 7, 2009, 5:15 P.M. ET

A Mogul’s Jungle Dream



By STUART FERGUSON

Bungalows with­ modern plumbing and screened ­windows; hospitals, schools, sidewalks, recreation halls, tennis courts, swimming pools, even a golf course: On the face of it, Henry Ford’s vast 1930s rubber ­plantation deep in the Amazon jungle—called Fordlandia—­provided all the modern ­amenities for both its ­American managers and its Brazilian laborers. What it couldn’t provide was rubber.

Greg Grandin’s riveting ­account of this “forgotten ­jungle city” demonstrates that in business, as well as in ­affairs of state, the means may be abundant but the ends still unachievable. Even as the prospect of profits from ­Fordlandia receded further and further into the future, the settlement was hailed as a victory of technology and ­organizational skill, showing South Americans what could be done by their neighbors to the north. But that claim wasn’t quite true either: ­Fordlandia was convulsed by more than one violent riot. What is more, the work force had a high ­turnover rate—and little ­wonder.

“Amid all the excitement over the Model A, most barely noted that the Ford Motor Company had recently acquired an enormous land concession in the Amazon. Inevitably compared in size to a midranged US state, usually Connecticut but sometimes Tennessee, ” Read an excerpt from Fordlandia

Lying along the banks of the Tapajós River, a tributary ­entering the Amazon 500 miles from the Atlantic, Fordlandia spread itself across 2.5 million acres—almost the size of ­Connecticut. There the ­resemblance to the Nutmeg State ends, however: Man-­eating ­caimans and piranhas don’t bother fishermen in ­Connecticut’s Housatonic River, and Jaguars don’t sneak into New London homes to steal babies. Fordlandia, ­sweltering amid such dangers, was also home to a host of tropical ­diseases and the ­insects that carry them.

Some Americans lasted less than a month before heading home, while others stayed for years, burying their children in the company cemetery or just plain going mad. Ford spent $125,000 to buy the land, but he might have had it free, so eager was Brazil to get the great Henry Ford to revive its rubber production. Instead, as Mr. Grandin tells us, a wily group of Brazilian businessmen and bureaucrats, in cahoots with Americans in the U.S. consular service, acquired an option on the Tapajós spread and then convinced Ford that it was the best land for his ­purpose. They also suggested that the local laborers were in need of his benevolent ­paternalism. So Ford plunged ahead, optimistically if ­unwisely.

Ford’s odd, magnificent and maddening personality always threatens to overwhelm Mr. Grandin’s account of the ­Amazonian plantation—which Ford, incidentally, never saw himself, though he kept ­promising a visit. Ford liked soybeans and American ­antiques; he hated unions, Wall Street and sitting down. And though he came to idolize the small-town America his cars were helping to change forever, he was not a believer in ­nationalism. “A businessman knows no country,” he told the Brazilian consul visiting his plant in Dearborn, Mich. Hence Ford was happy to make money in the American ­Midwest or, if it came to that, in the Amazon.

In the 1920s, Ford became fed up with hearing Commerce Secretary Herbert Hoover and tire mogul Harvey Firestone express their fears of a British, French and Dutch monopoly on latex, a crucial by-product of rubber that was used in ­industrial manufacture. At one event, Ford bellowed at ­Firestone: “Well, you know what to do about that? Grow your own rubber!” Fordlandia was the result of Ford taking his own advice.

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the Henry Ford Collection

A Lincoln Zephyr—made by Ford Motor Co.—stuck in Fordlandia mud.

The logic was impeccable. As Mr. Grandin notes: “The auto industry relied as much on vulcanized rubber as on oil, using processed latex not just for tires, but for the hoses, valves, gaskets, and electrical wires . . . as well as for the machines that made the cars.” Brazil’s own rubber had ­traditionally been gathered by tappers, going from tree to tree to collect the sap that would be turned into latex. These tappers, or seringueiros, lived along the rivers, alone or with their families, in a system of debt peonage that kept them chronically poor and ­malnourished.


Photo: Celivaldo Carneiro

But for the people they sold their harvest to, rubber was an engine of wealth in Brazil, at least ­during the boom years of the early 20th century. It ­created large fortunes that transformed an Amazonian town like Manaus into a ­tropical version of Paris, ­complete with a magnificent opera house. But by 1920 the boom was over, and Brazil’s economy had collapsed—especially as the British and Dutch got their plantations going in Sumatra and other parts of Southeast Asia, using seeds smuggled out of Brazil itself.

Ford thought he could do better: He would create a vast rubber plantation in Brazil, thus ensuring a reliable supply of latex for his new Model A as well as for his Ford trucks and tractors. In the process, he intended to show the world that his system of production would also elevate the lives of his workers. Fordism, to him, meant rational ­organization, the regimentation of labor and the application of technology to produce more and more goods at an ever quickening pace.

In return for such ­demanding drudgery, Fordism required that workers be paid much more than the going wage scale. This largess (if that’s what it was) in turn allowed them to become ­consumers in their own right, buying the products they made and creating even more wealth for their employers. Fordism worked at the gigantic River Rouge plant in Dearborn. In Fordlandia, it was hoped, the company would gather the seringueiros into one place, where they would grow and tap thousands of rubber trees, hundreds to the acre. Ford would provide them with ­relatively high wages (to keep them consuming), the best medical care (to keep them working) and even ­recreation facilities (to keep them happy).

Back in 1922, the Washington Post—commenting on what its editors saw as a petulant factory shutdown in the U.S.—had defined Fordism as “Ford efforts conceived in ­disregard or ­ignorance of Ford limitations.” There was something to these words. When it came to Fordlandia, what the ­Americans and their Brazilian ­collaborators couldn’t do was overcome South American Leaf Blight, which started attacking the trees as soon as they ­matured. An infestation of very hungry caterpillars only added to the challenge. During its best years, Fordlandia’s three million rubber trees ­produced 750 tons of latex; but every year the Ford Motor Co. ­consumed more than 50 ­million tons.

And Ford’s dictates to his employees in the Amazon came to be resented. The ­Brazilian workers didn’t like being made to eat in company mess halls, where they were fed a diet of oatmeal, canned Michigan peaches and whole wheat bread. They were ­humiliated to have their living quarters constantly inspected for cleanliness and their bodies inspected for venereal disease. They were angry that U.S. ­Prohibition was enforced in wet Brazil, where liquor was legal.

Ford clashed with the ­Roman Catholic Church, ­declining its offer to run ­Fordlandia’s schools. So when the American managers asked an itinerant Catholic priest to preach against alcohol he replied: “For heaven’s sake, I’m not a ­Baptist.” And forget the ­Lambada, or whatever its 1930s ­predecessors were: In ­Fordlandia entertainments featured American square dances.

In short, there was a woeful mismatch of indigenous ­culture, geographical wildness and Yankee ­aspiration. One wonders whether Henry Ford was ever told about Messrs. Tolksdorf and Johansen—a German and a Scot who joined the Fordlandia effort early on. In 1929, they were sent upriver on Ford’s dime to collect ­better rubber seeds in the headwaters of the Tapajós. It seems that they headed out in a launch loaded down with ­whiskey and accompanied by a prostitute whom they had hired as their cook. At one trading post, a drunk Johansen bought ­“several bottles of perfume.” After no doubt using it on himself first, he “chased down cows, goats, sheep pigs and chickens,” writes Mr. Grandin. He doused the livestock with scent and intoned over each animal: “Mr. Ford has lots of money; you might as well smell good, too.”

By 1945, when the Ford Motor Co. sold Fordlandia back to the Brazilian government for $244,200, the auto ­company had invested $20 million in the project. They were happy to be rid of it
—Mr. Ferguson is the 2009 ­Rossetter House Foundation Scholar of the Florida ­Historical Society

Sunday, 1 February 2009

Wednesday, 9 July 2008

my booklet original cover

Monday, 7 July 2008

Interview with Joe Jackson, author of the thief at...




1. When and why did HW come to Santarem? Did he intend to take the seeds from the very beginning?
Wickham came to Santarem from London in 1871. He had actually stopped briefly in 1870, when returning home aboard a riverboat after a disastrous trip on the Orinoco. Although he was interested in rubber when he came back, I don't think he had any idea that he was going to send seeds back to Kew. Instead, he wanted to come to the Amazon and become a planter, and rubber was one of the things he planned to grow. Sugar cane was the other. He'd tried to tap rubber on the Orinoco, and had been persuaded by the British consul in Belim that a hardworking young man could make it rich as a rubber planter on the Amazon. Young men spread out to the edges of the influence of the British Empire in those days and tried to become successful planters – it was one of the dreams of empire, along with military glory.

WICKHAM VEIO DE LONDRES EM 1871. NA VERDADE ELE TINHA PARADO AQUI EM SANTAREM QUANDO VOLTAVA DE UMA AVENTURA DESASTROSA NO RIO ORINOCO NO ANO ANTERIOR. EMBORA ELE JÁ TIVESSE INTERESSE EM BORRACHA QUANDO ELE AQUI VOLTOU, EU NAO ACHO QUE ELE TINHA IDEIA DE LEVAR AS SEMENTES PRA KEW.
ELE QUERIA MESMO VIR PRA AMAZONIA E TORNAR-SE UM AGRICULTOR, E SERINGUEIRA ERA UMA DAS ESPECIES QUE ELE PLANEJAVA CULTIVAR JUNTAMENTE COM CANA-DE- AÇUCAR.
ELE TENTARA PRODUZIR BORRACHA NO ORINOCO MAS FOI CONVENCIDO PELO CONSUL BRITANICO EM BELEM, QUE O LUGAR SERIA A AMAZONIA.
NAQUELE TEMPO, JOVENS IAM ALEM DAS INFLUENCIAS DO IMPERIO BRITANICO E TENTAVAM SER PRODUTORES BEM-SUCEDIDOS - ESSE ERA UM DOS SONHOS DO IMPERIO, JUNTO COM A GLORIA MILITAR.

2 & 3. Was he alone? How long did he stay? ELE VEIO SÓ?? QUANTO TEMPO ELE FICOU???
Wickham came with his mother, his wife Violet, his sister and her husband, his brother and his wife, an undetermined number of English workmen, and his sister-in-law's mother. All were going to start the plantation described in #1. He stayed until 1876, the year he smuggled the seeds. By then, all of the workmen had either died or deserted Wickham; his mother had died, as well as his sister and his sister-in-law's mother, supposedly from either yellow fever or malaria. He saw the seeds as his way out of the Amazon – he'd nearly died twice himself, watched those he loved die around him in pursuit of his dreams, and was nearly penniless by 1876.
ELE VEIO COM SUA MÃE, SUA ESPOSA VIOLET, SUA IRMÃ E O MARIDO DELA, SEU IRMÃO E A ESPOSA E UM CERTO NUMERO DE TRABALHADORES INGLESES. TODOS COM O INTUITO DE COMEÇAR AS PLANTAÇÕES MENCIONADAS. ELE PERMANECEU ATÉ 1876, O ANO QUE ELE TRAFICOU AS SEMENTES DE SERINGUEIRA. SUA MÃE E IRMÃ JA TINHA MORRIDO MUITO PROVAVELMENTE DE FEBRE AMARELA OU MALARIA. ELE PERCEBEU AS SEMENTES COMO UMA MANEIRA DE SAIR DE SANTAREM - POR DUAS VEZES ELE QUASE MORREU, VIU AS PESSOAS QUE ELE AMAVA MORRENDO NA BUSCA DO SEU SONHO, ELE TAVA COM POUCO DINHEIRO EM 1876.

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4. What attracted your attention to Wickham? O QUE CHAMOU SUA ATENÇÃO PARA WICKHAM???

I was fascinated by the fact that he was haunted by ambition and the dream of success as defined by the British Empire, and he spent his entire life chasing that vision in one shape or another. His father was an attorney, or "solicitor," and so he was born into a comfortable middle-class existence, but his father died of cholera when he was 4 years old. He spent his life trying to regain that lost social caste, and in so doing, he dragged others with him into ruin – his wife, his mother, the Amazon Basin when the seeds he smuggled started to produce cheap rubber in Great Britain's Far Eastern colonies. It was unbelievable how one man could change the fate of nations, yet he did so in the grip of a delusion.

EU FIQUEI FASCINADO PELO FATO DELE SER AMBICIOSO E O SONHO DE SUCESSO DEFINIDO PELO IMPERIO BRITANICO, E QUE DE UMA FORMA OU OUTRA ELE PASSOU SUA VIDA INTEIRA NA BUSCA DESSA IDÉIA. O PAI DELE ERA UM "ADVOGADO" , E ELE NASCEU NA CONFORTAVEL CLASS-MEDIA DA ÉPOCA, MAS SEU PAI MORREU QUANDO ELE AINDA TINHA 4 ANOS DE IDADE. ELE PASSOU A VIDA TENTANDO RECUPERAR A POSIÇÃO SOCIAL ENTÃO PERDIDA, E NESSAS TENTATIVAS LEVAVA OUTROS A RUÍNA – SUA ESPOSA, A MÃE, A AMAZONIA, DEPOIS DE TER LEVADO AS SEMENTES E PRODUZIR BORRACHA NAS COLONIAS BRITANIAS DO ORIENTE. É INCRIVEL COMO UMA ÚNICA PESSOA PODE MUDAR O DESTINO DE NAÇÕES, AINDA QUE NUM MOMENTO DE DESESPERO.

5. Did he become rich by smuggling the seeds? ELE TORNOU-SE RICO LEVANDO AS SEMENTES?

Not at all. He was paid somewhere between 700-740 pounds sterling, a healthy price but no fortune. He hoped to be sent to India with the rubber seeds, but upper-class British society found him too low-class and coarse and basically washed its hands of him. In later years, he personally asked Queen Victoria to help him in a legal case against mahogany cutters in British Honduras, and she snubbed him. He became known because of the theft, but not rich. He spent the money for the seeds on land in Queensland, Australia, but he was never a very good farmer and within 10 years he was broke again.

DEFINITIVAMENTE NÃO. ELE FOI PAGO ALGO EM TORNO DE 700-740 LIBRAS ESTERLINAS, UM PREÇO RAZOAVEL, MAS NÃO ERA UMA FORTUNA. ELE ESPERAVA SER ENVIADO PRA INDIA JUNTAMENTE COM AS SEMENTES, MAS A ARISTOCRACIA INGLESA O ACHAVA CLASSE-BAIXA E MESQUINHO E BASICAMENTE SE LIVROU DELE. ANOS MAIS TARDE, ELE PESSOALMENTE PEDIU AJUDA A RAINHA VITORIA NUM CASO LEGAL CONTRA EXPLORADORES DE MOGNO NAS HONDURAS, MAS ELA O DEIXOU NA MÃO. ELE FICOU FAMOSO PELO ROUBO, MAS NÃO RICO.
ELE GASTOU O DINHEIRO DAS SEMENTES EM QUEENSLAND, NA AUSTRALIA, COMO ELE NUNCA FOI UM BOM FAZENDEIRO EM DEZ ANOS ELE TAVA "QUEBRADO" DE NOVO.

Wednesday, 2 July 2008

books referred in the article below





Thursday, 12 June 2008

Book

This is the cover of my dear Derek Kwik's book,
a friend I met during the the Jungle Marathon 2007.
It is coming out mid-july. It's certainly a reccomendable motivational book.
I just hope it will be translated soon.
"If you aren't the lead dog pulling the sled, then the view will always be the same"

I am here, there, and everywhre


I miss Pedro Ivo(living in Rio now) for the parties, for his books...
I borrowed Friedman's book from him. The world is really f...flat.